RONDELI BLOG
Georgia’s Position in the Westernization Index 2018
Author: Zurab Batiashvili, Research Fellow, Rondeli Foundation
For the first time this year, an American strategic research center StrategEast published the Westernization Index 2018 of the post-Soviet states (except Russia). The study is unique due to the fact that if other assessments made by various organizations until now concerned the level of integration of the aforementioned republics with the West in certain specific fields, the 176-page study by StrategEast, by its content, is the very first integrated, combined assessment of all these fields.
Since the study represents the very first serious work of its kind, the authors believe that the methodology of calculating the Index cannot be perfect and will probably have to be improved in the future. Hence, the main aim of this year’s Index is to show the major trends and lay the groundwork for larger, more detailed studies planned for the future. This year’s study includes five main fields: politics, judicial system, economy, language as well as culture and way of life. These fields are also divided into sub-fields, with the assessment of those presented as well. Almost everything is being counted: foreign policy orientations of ruling and opposition political parties, public opinion, legislation, level of independence of courts and economic and cultural characteristics. For example, among other issues, they also study and count the number of Western films and TV shows on the channels of the country in question, the level of knowledge of Western languages (English, French, German and Spanish), number of visitors to the West (EU and US) and so on.
Comparison of Countries
According to the results of the study, Estonia has the best indicators, getting 93 out of 100 points. Turkmenistan ended up last, with 17.5 points. The 14 post-Soviet republics got the following points on the Westernization Index, as a result of the summary of assessments in various fields:
Such a grouping of the countries happened, in a way, naturally. As was expected, the Baltic States (Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia) are the leaders of the Index. The countries of this group are assessed as “Genuine Pro-Westerners,” that have fully internalized the Western political, economic, judicial and cultural model.
According to the study, these are followed by a second group of “Pro-Western façade” countries, including the three Eastern Partnership states (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), the pro-Western parties of which sometimes adopt laws that contradict their obligations to the West. Hence, oftentimes their pro-Westernness is of a declared nature and it is difficult to pass reforms that would turn these countries into real Western democracies.
The remaining post-Soviet states are seriously lagging behind these two groups.
The study puts a special emphasis on the level of independence of the courts. High or average assessment in this field was given to the Baltic States trio: Estonia – 7, Lithuania – 7 and Latvia – 5, as well as Georgia, who got 4, while other post-Soviet states significantly fall behind in this regard – ranging from 0.5 to 1.5.
According to the study, Russia maintains cultural influence on all of the 14 countries; however, it is meeting serious competition from not only the West but also Turkey. In this regard, it is considered that Moscow’s strongest instruments are Russian TV channels and social media. It should be pointed out that the attempts of certain countries to reduce the volume of Russian content in their television space did not automatically mean the growth of the Western content. It is also interesting to note that the cultural integration with the West is not dependent on geography only, a good case in point being Georgia, which also holds the fourth place in this field. And all this while Moldova, which is much closer with the West geographically (and which got visa liberalization with the EU much earlier than us, with hundreds of thousands of its citizens also having Romanian citizenship), holds the 8th place, even overtaken by Armenia.
As for the number of visitors in the Western countries, the Baltic States also lead the group in this regard, due to objective reasons, while Moldova holds the fourth place – about 300,000 Moldovans, which is 10% of the country’s population, live and work in Italy. Ukraine holds the fifth place as due to the preferential policies exercised by Warsaw, 1.5 million Ukrainians work in Poland.
Georgia in the Study
About six pages of the study were dedicated to Georgia, discussing the process of our country’s approximation with the West, field by field, with respective points given to each of them.
In the field of politics, Georgia got 19.5 out of 25. In this field, we lost points mainly due to the fact that in the 2017 Press Freedom Index we were in the group of partly free countries; the parties with strong anti-Western sentiments in the Parliament of Georgia, such as the Patriotic Alliance and Topadze-Industrials, also played their own negative role.
Our country lost an especially large number of points in the field of approximating the legal system with the West – we got just 14 out of possible 25. Georgia got low points due to the level of convergence of the Constitution with the Venice Commission recommendations, as well as the level of independence of the courts.
Georgia got 16 out of 25 points in the field of approximating its economy to the West. Here our country gained points due to the fact that it held the 9th position in the 2018 Doing Business index of the World Bank, whilst in the Corruption Perception Index it held the 44th place. On the other hand, we lost points in the categories of attracting Western investments as well as the trade turnover figures with the West.
Georgia got low points (8 out of possible 15) in approximating its language and culture with the West. The point was lowered due to the results of the 2017 CRRC study, according to which about 19% of the population speaks good or average English; about 18% has basic knowledge while up to 63% do not even know the basics. In the field of culture, we gained points due to the fact that mainly Western movies are shown in Georgian cinemas and TV channels and about 86% of the population uses Facebook.
Georgia also has a low assessment (4.5 out of possible 10) in approximating its lifestyle with that of the West. According to the 2015 data, only 9% of the Georgian population traveled to Europe and 2% to the US. However, in the first six months of visa liberalization with the European Union, about 86,500 Georgian citizens traveled to Europe. We also lost points due to the low number of Western brands entering Georgia.
Conclusion
Overall, Georgia held the fourth place among 14 post-Soviet states and it is clearly good that we are the leaders of our group. However, taking into account that our goal is to fully integrate in the Euro-Atlantic space (first and foremost, membership in NATO and the European Union), it is also clear that we should not be content with what is already achieved, needing to strengthen the process of approximation with the West with all available methods.
There are fields in the studies planned for the upcoming years, where Georgia, given the current trends, will get higher points (growth of the number of people utilizing visa liberalization, growth of the volume of trade as well as Western investments and so on). However, in all five major fields there are a number of issues where the efforts of the government, as well as the public, will be vital for improving the overall picture, as the changes in question are more in the interests of Georgia, than those of the West.
It is to be expected that such study/ies will continue in the future as well and will become more popular in the decision-making, as well as scientific circles. Hence, it is important for Georgia to show good results. If we judge by the numbers, our country needs an additional 20 points in order to move to the so-called group of “Genuine Pro-Westerners”. Consequently, we must prove to the West and more importantly to ourselves, which civilization we belong to. On this road, we must take example, naturally, from the Baltic States, using their experience. We believe that achieving this goal, given appropriate political will, is entirely possible.
Related posts
- Hungary’s illiberal influence on Georgia’s European integration: a worrying pattern
- Expected Political Consequences of the Restoration of Railway Communication Between Russia and Georgia through Occupied Abkhazia
- The 11th package of EU sanctions and Georgia
- Occupied Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region: Trade “Legalization” and Prospects of the Russian Transit Corridor
- Is Ukraine Winning the War and What Might Russia's Calculation Be?
- Russia's Diplomatic Offensive in Africa
- Russia’s New Foreign Policy Concept and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Power of the people in Georgia: The EU must remain vigilant
- The Tenth Package of Sanctions - One Year of Russian Aggression
- Dynamics of China-Russia relations against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Russia-Ukraine War and Russia's Long-Term Strategic Interests
- Flight Resumption with Russia - Potential Consequences for Georgia
- On the "Agent of Foreign Influence'' Bill and Its Disastrous Consequences for Georgia
- Hybrid War with Russian Rules and Ukrainian Resistance
- Moldova’s challenges alongside the war in Ukraine
- How the Sino-American Competition Looks from Tbilisi
- Is Israel's New Government Shifting its Policy towards the Russia-Ukraine War?
- What does Russia want from Georgia?
- Geopolitics, Turkish Style, and How to React to It
- The Ninth Package of Sanctions - in Response to the Russian Escalation and Missile Attacks
- The Danger Russia’s Neighbors May Face after the Russo-Ukrainian War
- The Biden Doctrine and its Implications for Georgia
- Belarus and Russia deepen trade and economic relations with occupied Abkhazia: A prerequisite for recognition of Abkhazia's “independence”?
- "Captured emotions" - Russian propaganda
- The Eighth Package of Sanctions - Response to Russian Annexation and Illegal Referendums
- What’s next for Italy’s foreign policy after Giorgia Meloni’s victory?
- War in Ukraine and Russia’s declining role in the Karabakh peace process
- The Russian Exclave of Kaliningrad and the Lithuanian "Sting"
- Seventh Package of Sanctions and Embargo on Russian Gold
- What could be the cost of “Putin’s face-saving” for European relations
- In line for the candidate status, Georgia will get a European perspective. What are we worried about?
- Failed Tskhinvali Referendum
- The War and Georgia
- “Rural Orbanism”- Polarization as a determinant for Hungary's political future
- Illegal Presidential Elections in the Tskhinvali Region: Why Bibilov Lost and What to Anticipate in Future
- How to Respond to Russian Ultra-Orthodox-Historic-Hegemonism?
- The War in Ukraine and the UK’s New Role in Eastern Europe
- What Will the Abolition of the OSCE Minsk Group Bring to the South Caucasus?
- Why Has the Abkhaz Side Become More Active on Social Networks?
- Why a Neutral Ukraine Is Not on Putin’s Mind (Ukraine’s Neutral Status Is Getting Closer, but What Does It Mean to Putin?)
- Europe's energy future - challenges and opportunities
- Uncontrolled Mass Immigration and the Position of the Georgian Government
- Changes in Putin's propaganda narratives since the Russian invasion of Ukraine
- Ukraine will soon embark on a path of practical integration into the European Union. What about Georgia?
- Positions and Actions of Turkey in the Russo-Ukrainian War
- NATO’s possible expansion in Northern Europe and its significance for Georgia and Ukraine
- Political Winter Olympics in Beijing
- What Is behind Putin’s Sudden Gambit in Ukraine?
- Abkhazia in 2021: Energy Crisis, New “Minister” and Political Controversy
- L'Europe pourra-t-elle éviter le “déjà vu” ? (France, President of the Council of the European Union, and the Tensions in Eastern Europe)
- US-Russia Relations and the Issue of Ukraine
- The New Targets of Ramzan Kadyrov’s Regime
- What are the Prospects of the Eastern Partnership Summit Set on 15 December?
- What Will the Post-Merkel Era Mean for the EU’s Russia and Eastern Neighbourhood Policy?
- What Lies Behind the Growing Cooperation of the Georgian and Hungarian Governments
- “Doberman” as a Minister: Inal Ardzinba’s Prospects and Challenges
- The Belarus Crisis: How to Enhance Our Resilience Against the Russian Strategy for Its Near-Neighborhood
- Moldova’s Gas Crisis Has Been Russia’s Yet Another Political Blackmailing
- Belarus One Year On: An Insecure Regime Under Russian “Protection”
- Russia’s Parliamentary Elections - What Can Be Said About the Regime’s Stability
- Vaccination: “To Be, or not to Be”…
- Can Georgia use China to balance Russia?
- Belarus’ exit from the Eastern Partnership and what to expect next
- Pacta Sunt Servanda: Agreements must be kept
- The West vs Russia: The Reset once again?!
- Associated Trio, What is Next?
- Formation of a New “Political Elite” in Abkhazia - Who Will Replace the Old “Elite?”
- The Cyber-Dimension of the Geneva Summit
- Securitization of the Arctic: A Looming Threat of Melting Ice
- Europe in Anticipation of the Results of a “Harmful Deal”
- What Should Georgia Expect from the NATO Summit
- The Issue of Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region in the Context of NATO and European Union Membership
- (Re)Mapping the EU’s Relations with Russia: Time for Change?
- USA, Liberal International Order, Challenges of 2021, and Georgia
- The Political Crisis in Moldova: A Deadlock without the Way Out?
- Russia's Testing or Bullying?
- Georgia's transit opportunities, novelties and challenges against the backdrop of the pandemic
- ‘Vaccine Diplomacy’: A New Opportunity for Global Authoritarian Influence?
- Georgia’s Application for European Union Membership
- A New Dawn for Transatlantic Relations under Biden’s Presidency: What Are the Hopes for Georgia?
- The End of the Russian Natural Gas Monopoly in Balkans
- Who did the judge sentence: Navalny, Putin or Russia?
- 2020 Developments in Abkhazia: “Elections,” the Pandemic and Deeper Integration with Russia
- Could Belarus Become a Prelude to the Great Polish-Swedish War 400 Years Ago?
- Vladimir Putin's Annual Grand Press Conference - Notable Elements and Messages
- COVID 19 Pandemic Economic Crisis and Reducing the Instability of Georgia’s National Currency
- Russia’s Energy Policy in the Tskhinvali Region
- Who Won and Who Lost with the War in Karabakh?
- What Russia has Gained in Karabakh
- What Armenia Did and Did not Lose as a Result of the Ceasefire Declaration in Karabakh
- Escalation of the Karabakh Conflict: Threats and Challenges for Georgia
- Protests in Belarus, Lukashenko and the Russian Federation
- Some Thoughts on the Use of the Term „Post-Soviet Space“
- Georgia’s European Way During the Period of Pandemic Deglobalization
- Khabarovsk Krai Protests as an Indicator of the Russian Federation’s Stability
- The Pragmatism and Idealism of the Georgian-American Partnership
- Independence of Georgia and the Historic Responsibility of Our Generation
- Trio Pandemic Propaganda: How China, Russia and Iran Are Targeting the West
- Complications Caused by the Coronavirus in Turkey and Their Influence on Georgia
- From Russia with… a Canny Plan
- “Elections” in Abkhazia: New “President’s” Revanche and Challenges
- Consumer Crisis in the Tskhinvali Region: Food for Thought
- Georgians Fighting the Same Battle 99 Years Later
- Georgian Defense – Political Paradox and the Vicious Circle of Not Having a System
- Confrontation between Russia and Turkey in Syria
- Why It Matters: Georgia’s 'Troll Scandal' Explained
- Political Crisis in Occupied Abkhazia
- What is the Significance of Killing General Qasem Soleimani?
- What Will the New Dialogue Format with Russia Bring for Georgia?
- On the “Russian Culture Center” in Georgia
- Whither Economic Policy?
- Main Messages of Russian Propaganda
- Massive Cyberattacks On Georgia Calls For Defense And Resilience
- What do we know about the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and Georgia?
- What is the Connection between NATO and Reclaiming Abkhazia?
- New Focuses of the Anti-Occupation Policy
- Georgia's Problems are not Addressed at G7 Meetings: Who is to Blame?
- Vladimir Putin’s Main Messages in his Interview with the Financial Times
- Georgia and Russia’s Post-modern Fascism
- Dugin has Come Out as a Supporter of Georgia – How Did This Happen?
- The Outcome of the European Parliament Elections - What Does it Mean for Georgia?
- Deterring Russia
- On NATO, Russia and Pat Buchanan
- Why Local Elections of March 31, 2019 in Turkey are Important?
- Does the Principle of Strategic Partnership Work in Ukraine-Georgia Relations?
- A New Chance for Circular Labor Migration between Georgia and the EU
- Modern Russia’s Own Wars of Religion
- Georgia’s Trade with Electricity: The Influence of Bitcoin
- Bolton’s visit to Moscow– what to expect in U.S-Russia relations?
- Georgia’s External Trade: How to Strengthen Positive Trends
- The Risk of the Renewal of the Karabakh Conflict after the Velvet Revolution in Armenia
- The Situation in Syria’s Idlib Province, Interests of the Parties and Threats
- The Helsinki Summit and its General Results
- Why It Is Necessary to Know the Day the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 Started
- Why Did the Results of the G7 Summit in Charlevoix not Meet Our Expectations?
- How to Win Cold War 2.0
- The Ben Hodges Model – a Real Way for Georgia’s Membership in NATO
- The Russian “Ambassador’s” Rotation in Abkhazia
- Why did the Foreign Ministers of G7 not remember Georgia during their 23 April 2018 Toronto Meeting?
- Georgia and the American Strategy
- Putin’s Pre-Election Economic Promises: Myth and Reality
- Trade of Electricity: Successes of 2016, Reality of 2017 and Future Prospects– the Impact of Bitcoin (Part Two)
- Let Geneva Stay the Way it is
- Trade of Electricity: Successes of 2016, Reality of 2017 and Future Prospects – the Impact of Bitcoin (Part One)
- Turkey’s Military Operation in Afrin – a New Phase in the Syrian Conflict
- Kremlin New Appointments and the Occupied Regions of Georgia
- Geopolitical Vision of the Russian Opposition
- Dangers Originating from Russia and Georgia’s Security System
- Eurasian Custom Union and problems of Russian – Georgian FTA
- Is Georgia’s Export Growth Sustainable?
- Russia’s Influence over the Field of Security in Tskhinvali Region is Growing: Support for Full Integration
- What Awaits the People of Gali?
- Growth of Military Spending and Relations with Russia: Azerbaijan trying to Gain Advantage over Armenia
- Disrupt and Distract: Russia’s Methodology of Dealing with the West
- Trojan Horse Model IL- 76 or Why Would Russia Want to Fight Georgia’s Forest Fires
- Russian Diplomats in Georgia – who are they, how many of them are there and what are they up to
- Putin’s Visit to the Occupied Abkhazia: Was our Reaction Actually Adequate?
- Is it Acceptable for Georgia to Declare Neutrality?
- Georgia’s European Perspective in the Context of EU’s Future Evolution
- Brexit Negotiations between the European Union and the United Kingdom have been re-launched: What will be their Influence on Georgia?
- How to Stop the “Creeping Occupation”
- Kremlin’s Policy in the Occupied Regions of Georgia Moves to a New Stage
- Syrian Civil War in the Context of Regional Security
- The Winnable Second Round of Russia’s Neighbors’ Struggle against Its Imperialism
- Turkey’s Domestic and Foreign Policy in the Context of Regional Security
- Post-Soviet States – Struggle for the Legitimation of Power
- Parliamentary Elections in Armenia – The Triumph of the Governing Party
- Current Foreign Policy of Georgia: How Effective is it in Dealing with the Existing Challenges?
- Military Resilience - a Needed Factor for NATO-Partners
- Observations on the Agreement Reached with Gazprom
- New Russian Weaponry in the Caucasus and Its Impact on Georgia’s NATO Aspiration